Category: Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, Belonging

Key Takeaways

• In stark contrast to trends observed for homeowners under age 65, mortgage use among homeowners age 65-plus has risen steadily in recent years.
• Between 2000 and 2022, mortgage use by homeowners age 65-plus rose by 28.5 percent.
• The use of mortgages among older homeowners is rising almost everywhere, but the extent of this rise varies dramatically by state.
• It is imperative that policymakers and business leaders develop policies and practices that promote an equitable mortgage market that fosters affordable homeownership and economic security for every generation.

Contrary to their younger counterparts, American homeowners¹ over age 65 are increasingly using mortgages². This development is not bad in and of itself, but it does raise critical issues for policymakers and business leaders, particularly relating to the elevated rejection rates and higher borrowing costs that older adults face in the mortgage market. Understanding and addressing these challenges will be central to fostering a market that provides fair and equitable access to mortgages for people of every age.

Mortgage debt remains uncommon among homeowners age 65-plus relative to their younger counterparts; in fact, the fraction of homeowners age 65-plus who had a mortgage in 2022 (34 percent) was less than half that of homeowners under age 65 (70 percent)³. However, trends in mortgage use among older and younger homeowners have diverged for many years⁴. Between 2000 and 2022, mortgage use among homeowners age 65-plus rose by 28.5 percent while simultaneously falling for all younger age groups. This rise reached a peak in 2017, when mortgage use among 65-plus homeowners was 41.1 percent higher than its 2000 level. The COVID-19 pandemic drove a significant decline in mortgage use among 65-plus homeowners in 2020, but more recent data suggest that mortgage use among older homeowners is rising once again.

Between 2000 and 2022, mortgage use among 65-plus homeowners rose almost everywhere⁵, but the scale of this growth varied dramatically from state to state. Mortgage use among older homeowners grew by less than 10 percent in Florida, New Hampshire, and Alaska; meanwhile, five states (Wyoming, South Dakota, North Dakota, Iowa, and Idaho) saw increases of over 50 percent. The forces driving this variation are complex; however, there is clear evidence that growth in mortgage use among 65-plus homeowners was especially strong in certain regions of the country (e.g., the Midwest).

Rising mortgage use among older homeowners is not necessarily a bad development; for example, a mortgage can serve as a cost-effective tool for accessing home equity⁶. However, as older homeowners come to rely on mortgage products more, it is critical that this population is well-informed about their options, and that policies and practices in the mortgage market meet the needs of every generation. These necessities are underscored in a 2023 working paper by Natee Amornsiripanitch⁷, which finds that older adults face significantly higher application rejection rates and borrowing costs in the mortgage market. Age discrimination may partly explain these negative outcomes; however, several factors are likely to play a role⁸. Whatever the cause, these disparities can have serious economic consequences, including lower economic security among older homeowners who are unable to access wealth stored as home equity. 

AARP closely follows research examining housing issues important to older adults. In April 2023, AARP published an online article that covers Amornsiripanitch’s findings and highlights proactive steps that older adults and lenders can take to close mortgage deals with fair terms. One striking example covered in the article is that mortgage applications submitted by older adults are commonly denied because of an incorrectly calculated debt-to-income (DTI) ratio⁹. This can happen because loan officers are used to underwriting mortgages based on earned income, since this source represents the vast majority of income for a typical (i.e., younger) mortgage applicant. Given that older adults commonly receive a substantial fraction of their income via other sources (e.g., investment income, social security), a full accounting of these income streams is necessary for a lender to accurately assess the applicant’s ability to afford the mortgage¹⁰.

This article is just one example of AARP’s efforts to inform older consumers about their options with respect to mortgages; other recent articles examine reverse mortgages and the pros and cons of paying off a mortgage before retirement. In addition, AARP champions public policies and business practices that ensure equitable access to mortgages for people of every generation, strong consumer protections, and flexible loan servicing policies that allow homeowners to retain their homes during periods of financial stress. In an environment where older adults are increasingly turning to mortgages, efforts of this kind are central to creating an equitable mortgage market that fosters affordable homeownership and economic security for every generation.

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1. ^{In the context of this article, a “homeowner” is defined as a householder who owns their home. In the U.S. Census and American Community Survey (ACS), a “householder” is the person (or one of the people) in whose name the household is owned or rented. In cases where the household is jointly held by more than one person (e.g., a married couple), the householder may be any member of that set. For more information, see the “Household Type and Relationship” section beginning on page 82 of the 2022 ACS/PRCS Subject Definitions.} ↩︎
2. _{For the purposes of this article, a homeowner is said to be “using” a mortgage if at least one form of debt is held against their physical household. This includes traditional mortgages, as well as other debt instruments such as reverse mortgages. The homeowner’s specific motivation for using a mortgage is not explicitly covered in the ACS; the typical purpose of a mortgage is to finance the purchase of a home; however, mortgages can be used for other purposes (e.g., someone who owns their home outright may use a mortgage to access home equity). A single property can have multiple mortgages.} ↩︎
3. _{According to 2022 American Community Survey (ACS) public-use microdata downloaded from IPUMS USA (www.usa.ipums.org).} ↩︎
4. _{Notably, mortgage use among 65-plus homeowners has been rising for a considerably longer period of time; in fact, Collins, Hembre, and Urban (2020) show that this trend extends back to at least 1980.} ↩︎
5.  _{Mortgage use among 65-plus homeowners fell slightly in Hawaii and the District of Columbia during 2000 – 2022.}
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6. _{Recent research suggests that low interest rates are one of several factors responsible for rising mortgage use among older homeowners. Collins, Hembre, and Urban (2020) discuss these factors and their potential role.} ↩︎
7. _{Dr. Amornsiripanitch is a senior financial economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia.} ↩︎
8. _{For example, age-related mortality risk makes it more costly (on average) for lenders to give mortgages to older homeowners, a fact that may contribute to higher rejection rates and borrowing costs for this population. A February 2023 article from the Center for Retirement Research at Boston College reviews Amornsiripanitch’s findings and potential explanations in detail.} ↩︎
9. _{This example is provided by Brian Rugg, Chief Credit Officer at LoanDepot.} ↩︎
10. _{If sizable income streams are excluded, an applicant’s debt will appear large relative to their income (i.e., a high DTI ratio). This may lead the lender to incorrectly conclude that the applicant cannot afford the mortgage.} ↩︎

Key Takeaways

• Maternal and paternal age at childbirth has risen rapidly for decades, with significant economic and social implications for every generation.
• In 2022, 51 percent of births were to mothers age 30-plus, up from just 17 percent in 1972. Similarly, 64.1 percent of 2022 births were to fathers age 30-plus, up from 31.8 percent in 1972.
• Parents age 50-plus with a child under age 25 in their household are significantly more likely to participate in the labor force relative to adults age 50-plus who do not have a child under age 25 in their household.
• As a rising fraction of people delay their childbearing years, public policies and business practices that combat age discrimination in the workforce will be critical to fostering economic security for every generation.

In addition to deciding whether to have children, choosing when to have them is a critical decision with enormous social and economic implications for parents, their children, and society at large. Over the last 50 years, the distribution of maternal and paternal age at childbirth has evolved from one dominated by people in their teens and twenties to a new normal in which older parents account for an increasingly large fraction of births. This sea change has profound implications for critical economic decisions later in life, including labor supply decisions. The economic success and security of American families depends on recognizing this shift and developing public policies and business practices that meet the needs of all American families.

For many, the concept of “childbearing years” stems from the experience of past generations. In 1972, mothers under age 24 accounted for nearly half (47.9 percent) of all births, whereas mothers age 30-plus were responsible for just 17 percent. Paternal age at childbirth skewed low as well, with fathers age 30-plus yielding fewer than one-third of all births. Children born to parents over age 35 were especially rare, with just 4.3 and 11.7 percent of 1972 births being to mothers and fathers in this age group, respectively. Because their parents had them so early in life, most children born in 1972 reached adulthood before either of their parents turned 50.

Although many still view childbearing as a young person’s pursuit, maternal and paternal ages at childbirth have shifted dramatically over the last 50 years. Mothers under age 24 accounted for just 17 percent of births in 2022, whereas mothers age 30-plus were responsible for over half (51 percent). Similarly, fathers age 30-plus accounted for nearly two-thirds (64.1 percent) of births. One major reason for this shift is the increased representation of mothers and fathers over age 35, who were responsible for 15.8 percent and 28.4 percent of 2022 births, respectively. As a result, a significant fraction of children born in 2022 will still be minors when one or both of their parents turn 50. 

Such a dramatic shift in parental age at childbirth has fundamental social and economic implications for parents, their children, and society at large. These ramifications are many and varied; however, one particularly consequential example is that delayed childbearing profoundly affects labor supply decisions later in life. In 2022, females age 50-plus were more likely to participate in the labor force if at least one of their own children under age 25 lived with them, and this disparity rose sharply with age. For those age 65-plus, the labor force participation rate (LFPR) of females with at least one child under age 25 at home (37.2 percent) was more than double that of females without a child under age 25 at home (15.2 percent). The same effect was even more pronounced for males; in fact, males ages 50-54, 55-59, 60-64, and 65-plus with a child under age 25 at home were 12.2, 12.2, 14.4, and 24.8 percentage points more likely to participate in the labor force relative to their counterparts without children under age 25 at home (respectively).¹

Although delayed childbearing is associated with economic forces that have generated tremendous benefits for parents and their children, ² parenting later in life does present challenges, especially given that older parents with dependent children are more likely to be in the labor force. This is because older adults who wish to work longer, re-enter the labor force, or reskill/upskill, are often hampered by implicit and explicit age discrimination in employment policies and practices. In addition, support for working caregivers remains insufficient, which can be especially damaging to older workers who are simultaneously caring for adult and minor family members.

As an advocate for older workers in general, AARP has produced insights, tools, and resources that promise to empower working parents as they age. This includes recent research on the economic cost of age discrimination in employment, the economic benefits of supporting working caregivers, and inequality in access to employer-sponsored retirement savings plans. Practical tools include a range of retirement calculators and planning tools, a job board and resume advisor designed to meet the need of older job seekers, and the AARP Skills Builder for Work^SM, which helps older workers gain in-demand skills and remain competitive in the labor market. As America’s parents age, initiatives such as these represent critical investments which will promote economic security and success for every generation.

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1. _{Although not discussed in this article, we find that this effect (i.e., that 50-plus males and females with children under age 25 in their household are more likely to participate in the labor force) remains large and statistically significant when controlling for age, metropolitan status, race and ethnicity, marital status, and educational attainment.} ↩︎
2. _{Bailey (2006) shows that access to contraception (which facilitates delayed childbearing) has promoted greater labor force participation among women. Similarly, Bratti (2023) finds that delayed childbearing improves women’s labor market outcomes. In addition, Bailey (2013) finds that the same family planning resources promote greater economic success for children when they reach adulthood.} ↩︎

Key Takeaways

• Labor force participation among people with disabilities has significantly increased since the start of the pandemic.
• In October 2023, the average labor force participation rates for people with disabilities ages 16-64 and 65-plus stood at 118.4 percent and 105.3 percent (respectively) of their February 2020 values.
• The expansion of remote work opportunities, which facilitate employment for people with disabilities who face barriers to working away from home, is at least partially responsible for these trends.
• These findings highlight a pressing need to proactively challenge our assumptions about the nature of work and develop labor policies and employment practices that meet the needs of all workers, regardless of age or ability.

Falling labor force participation – particularly among older adults – has fueled headlines in countless news stories since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020. However, a closer look at the data reveals a more complicated story, including rapidly rising labor force participation among people with disabilities, regardless of age. Recognizing this trend and understanding its implications for the future of work is critical to developing labor policies and employment practices that increase labor market access and maximize opportunity for people of every generation.

To understand how COVID-19 has affected the American civilian labor market,¹ it is useful to examine the 12-month labor force participation rate (LFPR) for any group as a percentage of its value in February 2020 (i.e., immediately before the pandemic).² Among people ages 16-64 without a disability,³ monthly labor force participation declined dramatically in Spring 2020 but recovered quickly thereafter;⁴ as a result, the 12-month LFPR of this group never fell below 97.7 percent of its February 2020 value and returned to pre-pandemic levels by the middle of 2023.⁵ Conversely, the decline in average labor force participation among adults age 65-plus without a disability has been sharp and sustained, so that the 12-month LFPR of this population in October 2023 was just 93.8 percent of its pre-pandemic value. This decline represents hundreds of thousands of lost labor force participants and has significantly contributed to an ongoing labor shortage in the United States.

Average labor force participation among people with disabilities evolved very differently over the same period. Since the COVID-19 pandemic began, the 12-month LFPR for people with disabilities ages 16-64 never fell below 98.9 percent of its February 2020 level. Instead, it has risen rapidly since the middle of 2021 and reached 118.4 percent of its February 2020 value by October 2023. The 12-month LFPR for people with disabilities age 65-plus did decline significantly during the first 18 months of the pandemic, falling as low as 89.2 percent of its February 2020 value in August 2021. However, it has experienced a strong resurgence since then and stood at 105.3 percent of its February 2020 level as of October 2023.

These findings strongly suggest that the pandemic played a role in promoting labor force participation among people with disabilities, regardless of age. The 12-month LFPRs for people with disabilities ages 16-64 and 65-plus in October 2023 (40.2 percent and 8.6 percent, respectively) are at or near historic highs,⁶ and current trends indicate that both rates will continue to rise over time. Although several factors may be responsible for this increase in labor force participation, two key drivers are the sudden abundance of opportunities for remote work and widespread access to the technological innovations that make remote work possible (e.g., video conferencing services that offer features such as closed captioning for conference calls).⁷ 

There is an important lesson in these findings: Costly barriers to employment may stem from entrenched attitudes about the nature of work. Remote work existed before the pandemic but was viewed as a niche arrangement for a handful of specific skill sets. When remote work became unavoidable due to lockdown measures and social distancing, policymakers and employers quickly realized that a broad segment of the workforce could function productively from home, even after the pandemic subsided. This shift in perception has expanded employment opportunities for millions of people with disabilities and benefited thousands of employers facing a historic labor shortage. 

The analysis above highlights the value of proactively challenging assumptions about the nature of work, including labor policies and employment practices that implicitly or explicitly promote ableism and prevent people with disabilities from working.⁸ Given that older adults are far more likely to have a disability relative to the general population, AARP has pioneered innovative solutions in this area for many years. One example is AARP’s Senior Community Service Employment Program, which helps low-income, unemployed individuals age 55-plus find work. Relatedly, the AARP Job Board includes features that help job seekers with disabilities identify compatible employment opportunities, and AARP Skills Builder for Work^SM provides resources for developing skills that are competitive in the job market and aligned with one’s specific needs. Finally, AARP Foundation’s legal advocacy work often targets ADA violations and other barriers that impact workers who have a disability. Efforts such as these improve labor market conditions for workers with a disability and employers, producing economic gains benefiting every generation.

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1.  _{Due to the design of the Current Population Survey (CPS), all analysis in this article focuses on the civilian noninstitutional population, which excludes military servicemembers and individuals in institutions (e.g., prison inmates)}. ↩︎
2. _{We define the 12-month LFPR of a specified group in any given month to be an unweighted average of monthly labor force participation rates for that group in the most recent 12-month period. For example, the 12-month LFPR for people ages 65-plus in October 2023 is calculated as the unweighted mean of monthly labor force participation rates for the 65-plus population from November 2022 through October 2023. For each group under study, Figure 1 reports the 12-month LFPR at each point in time as a percentage of its value in February 2020. Values above 100 indicate that the 12-month LFPR has risen relative to its February 2020 value, whereas values below 100 indicate that the 12-month LFPR has fallen relative to its February 2020 value. Because our metric focuses on average labor force participation over an entire year, changes in its value are only mildly affected by short-run shocks and do not reflect seasonal variation in labor force participation. Instead, this measure focuses on longer-run shifts in labor supply by each group studied.} ↩︎
3. _{Since June 2008, the CPS has tracked disability status with a series of six questions aimed at identifying CPS household members with physical, mental, and/or emotional conditions impacting hearing, vision, cognition (e.g., concentration, memory, decision making), walking/climbing stairs, performing activities outside of the home, or independently completing personal care activities such as bathing. A household member with at least one such condition is counted as having a disability. Additional details are available here.} ↩︎
4.  _{Because the 12-month LFPR metric is an average of 12 monthly LFPRs, large month-to-month changes will have a limited effect on the 12-month LFPR if those changes are offset in later months. For example, labor force participation among those without disabilities ages 16-64 fell sharply between February and May 2020 but recovered much of that loss over the next few months.} ↩︎
5. _{The 12-month LFPR for people ages 16-64 without a disability fell from 77.6 percent in February 2020 to a low of 75.8 percent in March 2021. It is important to emphasize that – even though this decline is only about two percentage points – it translates to a decline in average labor force size of several million people for this group.} ↩︎
6.  _{Public-use microdata from the Current Population Survey (CPS) identifies people with disabilities dating back to June 2008; as such, 12-month LFPRs for people with and without disabilities can be calculated back to May 2009.} ↩︎
7. _{A recent SHRM article provides more details on this subject.} ↩︎
8. _{For example, overly inflexible return-to-office (RTO) policies threaten to eliminate productive remote employment opportunities that benefit workers with disabilities and their employers. Risks associated with such RTO policies are examined in a recent Allwork article. Similarly, a recent SHRM article discusses the need for thoughtful RTO policies which allow for hybrid and remote work options that are mutually beneficial to employers and their workers.} ↩︎

Key Takeaways

• Social isolation – defined as the objective lack of (or limited) social contact with others – has reached historic heights in every age group.
• As far back as we can measure, average social isolation has consistently risen with age.
• However, recent trends – including effects stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic – indicate an especially sharp rise in social isolation among younger age groups.
• Combatting the threat of social isolation will require outreach efforts and investments to increase opportunities for social connection in every generation.

Social isolation – defined as the objective lack of (or limited) social contact with others¹ – has long been viewed as a pressing concern for older adults. Decades of data show that social isolation rises steadily with age; however, a deep dive into recent trends reveals troubling developments in younger age groups, including significant increases in isolation before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. These findings demonstrate that social isolation is an increasingly universal challenge and represent a call to action for initiatives which promote increased social contact for members of every generation.

An extensive body of research on social isolation exists; however, approaches to measuring isolation and related concepts (e.g., loneliness) vary widely.² In this article, we use data from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) to examine the average amount of time spent alone over the course of a day during 2010-2021.³ This is a common metric for quantifying social isolation in populations, as it provides a nationally representative, objective measure of interpersonal contact which can be tracked over time.

In 2010, average social isolation was lowest among those ages 15-24, who spent 28 percent of their time alone, on average. This percentage rose steadily with age, including particularly significant increases beyond age 44. Individuals age 65-plus were far more isolated than any other age group, with the average person in this range spending 53.6 percent of their time alone. As staggering as this latter value is, social isolation in the 65-plus population rose very little between 2010 and 2019. In contrast, average social isolation rose markedly among younger age groups during the same period, including a seven percentage-point increase for people ages 15-24. 

The most surprising finding shown above relates to growth in social isolation after 2019. Contrary to the common narrative that older adults were more susceptible to increased isolation during the pandemic, we find that the average percentage of time spent alone increased the most for people under age 35 between 2019 and 2021. In contrast, the average person over age 55 experienced a comparatively mild increase in social isolation over the same period, although this likely reflects the fact that social isolation was already very high in this group prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and consequently had limited capacity for additional growth. In any event, prevailing trends during 2010-2021 have created an environment in which all age groups exhibit high levels of social isolation.

A lack of in-person interaction is not necessarily a negative outcome for any specific individual, and there is no established threshold for how much time a person should spend alone. Similarly, one’s level of isolation says nothing about the quality or their social interactions, and individuals experiencing little-to-no social isolation are not immune to problems such as loneliness. However, there is strong evidence that higher average social isolation is correlated with negative health and wellbeing outcomes in populations. For example, survey results from 2021 indicate that individuals who report greater social isolation also tend to have lower life satisfaction and poorer general health. In fact, the average person who reported having poor general health in 2021 spent 54.6 percent of their time alone, 13 percentage points greater than the average person who reported having excellent general health. Similarly, individuals reporting the highest level of life satisfaction are also the least isolated, on average.

For as far back as we can measure, people age 65-plus have faced higher average social isolation than their younger counterparts. However, recent trends show that the youngest age groups are increasingly at risk. These findings strongly agree with recent research, including a May 2023 advisory from the surgeon general, which characterizes isolation and loneliness as an epidemic in the United States. Combatting these trends will require widespread outreach efforts aimed at identifying isolation and increasing opportunities for social interaction at every age. AARP has been at the forefront of this field for years; for example, AARP Foundation’s “Connect 2 Affect” tool helps individuals assess their level of isolation and find resources in their area to improve social connectedness. Similarly, AARP’s Fun & Fulfillment initiative includes a range of programs designed to increase social engagement among older adults. AARP has also completed research identifying additional practical steps, such as the development of standardized screening tools for tracking social isolation in individuals (e.g., during annual wellness visits). In the wake of a devastating pandemic, efforts such as these recognize the diverse set of people experiencing high levels of isolation and offer solutions that promote greater social interaction at any age.

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1. _{This definition comes from Box 6.1 (pg.108) of Social Isolation and Loneliness in Older Adults: Opportunities for the Health Care System (https://doi.org/10.17226/25663). This book was produced by The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine and published by The National Academies Press in 2020.}
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2.  _{Chapter 6 of Social Isolation and Loneliness in Older Adults: Opportunities for the Health Care System (https://doi.org/10.17226/25663) provides a useful review of approaches to measuring social isolation. The metrics discussed in this chapter vary widely in their subjectivity, as well as the underlying concept of social isolation used. The measure used in our analysis emphasizes the objective level of one’s social interaction; as such, it is consistent with the National Academies’ definition of social isolation and conceptually linked to measures such as the Berkman-Syme Social Network Index}. ↩︎
3. _{Our specific measure of social isolation is the fraction of one’s time spent alone during a 24-hour period, excluding time spent on “personal care activities,” which includes sleeping and personal activities like grooming. We also exclude time that is not fully coded in the data (e.g., time during which the respondent cannot recall if they were alone). For example, if an ATUS survey respondent spent eight hours sleeping and one hour on other personal care activities during their time diary day, then they would have 15 remaining hours that might be spent alone or with others. If this respondent spends six of those hours alone, then we record them as having spent 6/15 = 40 percent of their time alone. This metric is very similar to measures used in recent work by Pew Research, working papers such as Atalay (2022), as well as peer-reviewed academic studies such as Kannan and Veazie (2023).}
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Key Takeaways

• Every year, volunteerism in the United States generates over $100 billion in economic activity. However, volunteer rates and hours served have been declining steadily for 20 years.
• Volunteerism among older adults has been comparatively resilient. As a result, the share of total volunteer hours accounted for by the 65-plus population grew from 18.5 percent in 2002 to 28.6 percent in 2021.
• This increase in share has occured despite rising labor force participation in the 65-plus population and the COVID-19 pandemic.
• These revelations are a call to action for practical steps which encourage volunteering and reduce barriers faced by those who wish to give back to their community.

Annually, the economic value of volunteer work in America exceeds $100 billion. Despite increasingly significant attachment to the labor force and other time constraints older adults continue to contribute an outsized percentage of this value. AARP has firsthand knowledge of volunteerism’s critical place in society, as our 50,000-plus volunteers constantly use their experience and know-how to support those in need. In many cases, volunteer contributions supply the only channel through which individuals and communities receive critical goods and services. Unfortunately, the total number of volunteer hours served declined from almost 8 billion hours in 2002 to just 4.1 billion in 2021, resulting in economic and social losses affecting every generation.

Even though volunteerism fell for all age groups between 2002 and 2021, the contributions of older adults were comparatively resilient. In fact, while the total number of volunteer hours served by people under age 65 fell by 54.9 percent during this period, the hours contributed by those age 65-plus fell by just 20.3 percent.¹ Consequently, the share of total volunteer hours accounted for by the 65-plus population soared from 18.5 percent in 2002 to 28.6 percent in 2021. Remarkably, this rise in share continued through the pandemic, despite the significantly elevated risk that COVID-19 posed for older adults.

One might dismiss the findings shown above as a simple byproduct of population aging or older adults having more free time available for volunteer activities. However, the 65-plus share of volunteer hours increased by substantially more than the 65-plus share of population between 2002 and 2021.² In addition, labor force participation in the 65-plus population has grown tremendously in recent decades, which should have put downward pressure on volunteer work in this age group compared to the population at large. Instead, volunteerism in the 65-plus population is increasingly attributable to individuals who are also working or looking for work.

The figure below shows the latter fact by plotting the share of 65-plus volunteer hours attributable to labor force participants and non-participants in 2002 and 2021. In 2002, the entire 65-plus population accounted for roughly 1.47 billion volunteer hours, with over 1.25 billion of those hours coming from people who were not in the labor force. By 2021, the total number of volunteer hours supplied by non-participants aged 65-plus had fallen to about 920 million, while the amount supplied by labor force participants aged 65-plus had grown from 220 million to nearly 260 million. As a result, over one-in-five volunteer hours provided by the 65-plus population in 2021 were contributed by a person who was also working or looking for work, up from just over one-in-seven in 2002.

Older adults have always represented a key part of the volunteer community and recent trends have amplified their role even more. This revelation underscores an enduring commitment to the principles of volunteerism in this age group and is a call to action for practical steps to encourage volunteering and reduce barriers faced by those who wish to give back to their community. AARP is leading the way in this effort via its many volunteer programs and Create the Good, which helps match people with volunteer opportunities aligned with their interests and experience. Steps such as these will support the increasingly critical contributions of older adults and foster greater volunteerism in general, yielding economic and social gains benefitting every generation.

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1. _{Most of this decline occurred between 2019 and 2021, when 65-plus volunteer hours fell from 1.41 billion to 1.17 billion. Between 2002 and 2019, 65-plus volunteer hours declined by just 4.3 percent, whereas under-65 volunteer hours declined by 38.2 percent. Even during 2019-2021, the percentage decline in 65-plus volunteer hours (-16.7 percent) was significantly less than that observed for under-65 volunteer hours (-27.1 percent).} ↩︎
2. _{The 65-plus share of U.S. population grew from 12.3 to 16.7 percent between 2002 and 2021, an increase of almost 36 percent (see https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SPPOP65UPTOZSUSA)}. _{In the same period, the 65-plus share of volunteer hours rose by nearly 55 percent.} ↩︎

Aging is inevitable — but you wouldn’t know it from the way we live our lives. Whether it’s the increasing difficulty to land a new job if your over 50, social isolation due to mobility needs not being addressed in policies, or, yes, even the way that skincare ads sell us facial creams to keep us young forever, the message is loud and clear: when it comes to aging, don’t do it.

The apprehension towards getting older has long been the default cultural attitude, so much so it’s embedded in our social norms and language, as well as our systems and policies. But fighting ageism is beneficial for us all. We all deserve to thrive at any age, and that requires a world that supports us at any age. When it comes to thriving, there really is no such thing as past our prime: the growing number of pro-aging social media influencers over 50 are proving it. These influencers are living their best lives: creating community, connecting with younger generations, learning ever changing social media trends and technology, figuring out how to be authentic, and finding new meaning and purpose in life.

We spoke with five micro-influencers about what their social media journeys have been like and what it means to thrive. While every story was unique and personal, a common sentiment was shared by each influencer – when it comes to aging, do it your way.

1.  What does it mean to thrive? How does social media — from the connections you’ve made, to the way it empowers you to tell your story — help you do that?

Thriving to me, means being healthy. My husband is a stroke survivor, so watching his journey and being his caregiver has inspired me to be fit and healthy. I get inspired when I see someone working out and sharing their health journey online. Of course, I’m strategic with how I engage with social media, because there is a lot of garbage out there. I’ve been lucky that most of my interactions online have been positive, and I am very interactive with my audience. I think I protect myself because I am 100% me, and everything I put out is done with positivity and a mindset of growth. I think thriving is also continuing to grow and being able to be your true self. Never in my wildest dreams would I have thought I’d meet a worldwide audience. It’s changed the way I tell my story and helped me stop hiding behind a bottle of dye. I’m more transparent. What you see is what you get.

2. How has social media allowed you to connect with people outside of your generation?

My daughter runs my page, and my following is very cross generational – I have followers from 28 – 49. I also get a lot of positive feedback from my students and their families. It’s nice to feel that genuine love and knowing you can relate to all kinds of people in some way shape or form. The people who comment and respond are cross-generational, they’re from all over the world and it’s inspiring to me that others were finding value in what I’m saying and posting about my journey transitioning into silver hair – the good days, the bad days. I think that’s been the way I’ve been able to meet people at all levels and generations and have a common bond – because everyone is going through something, everyone is transitioning. It could be going from one stage of life to another.

3. What have you learned using social media?

We have more in common and we are more alike than we are different. I’ve connected with women in England, Ghana, Spain, and it’s so refreshing to talk with other people who just get it – that we’re unapologetically moving forward with this mid-life fabulousness. I’m enjoying this stage of my life now. I have more confidence now – I’ve always been confident, but this journey has opened a whole new level of security in myself. Transitioning from hiding my silver hair to embracing it has been an overall positive experience for me. I’ve chosen to make it a positive journey, and when others see that and reach out and respond to this positivity, it’s very validating. The fact that others are recognizing that I’m enjoying this stage, changes things. It’s not, oh, boo, I’m 50, I’m 52. It’s, hey, I’m 54, I’m loving this! I’m looking forward to double nickels next year! We’re not our grandmothers and mothers 50s anymore.

4. What does it mean to you to see other people like you on social media?

It gave me a roadmap. When I first got on Instagram, at the persistence of my daughter in 2021, I was just on the platform looking. I would follow ladies who were transitioning from dyed hair into this fabulous silver hair, and they were so vibrant, fashionable, active, and it made me realize – that’s me! But I had been covering up my silver hair my entire life. Seeing these women on Instagram, doing all these wonderful things and flaunting their silver hair, and then reading the comments that were so positive and celebratory, made me see that people really don’t care about these “old-age” stereotypes. So, seeing other women like me, gave me the courage to put myself out there.

1.  What does it mean to thrive? How does social media — from the connections you’ve made, to the way it empowers you to tell your story — help you do that?

I believe that to thrive is to live, not just exist, but live. I am 52 and I realize that I am no longer a young man chronologically, however I have not let my age stand in the way of how I present myself and how I live. I wear what I want, I listen to what I want, and I like what I like. When you get to a certain age, some people feel like you must change to “fit” that period in your life, in other words, “act your age”. Sure ok, act your age, embrace it and understand that you are blessed each year that you get to advance to another year, but enjoy all of it. I can be a grandfather and still wear my Air Jordan’s. I can have gray hair and still wear a snapback hat. I will continue to live my best life. Social media has also allowed me to realize that there is still plenty of value left in me. Last year, I was able to connect with a group of men, 40 and above, who are committed to presenting the image of older men as a positive thing. We have used our social media platforms to create and tell our story as mature men. We are intent on showcasing our style, our creativity and our brotherhood with each image we place on social media. We wanted to show older men (and everyone else) that it’s okay to showcase yourself (and your gray hair). This isn’t just a young person’s game; we can also have a major presence on social media.

2. How has social media allowed you to connect with people outside of your generation?

Social media has opened a door that I don’t believe would have been opened for someone my age 20-25 years ago. Social media has allowed me to walk through an open door and connect with younger people. Most questions that I receive come from younger men who look to me as the “OG”. I have young men who regularly ask me questions regarding my clothes, my beard and even my skin. They all want to know about my style and regularly ask for grooming tips. I don’t believe that the opportunity to impact young men would be as dramatic or available if it wasn’t for social media. Having the ability to be seen by people all over the world has been tremendous and to be questioned and respected by so many people outside of my generation has again allowed me to truly understand that age doesn’t stop anything.  

3. What have you learned using social media?

Social media has forced me to be that much more in tune with technology and certain technological trends. Being an online content creator, I now utilize content creator tools that keep me up to date with social media trends. Social media is a powerful tool that you must be responsible with. I am very careful about the images that I post on any of my social media platforms as I understand what kind of impact it can have on others, as well as myself. Social media creates so many opportunities to create and tell your story. I have learned that social media is where people come to entertain themselves, educate themselves, to meet others with the same interests and find opportunities to hopefully change their lives. Social media has personally allowed me to understand my value to people and companies alike as a 50 plus year old man.  

4. What does it mean to you to see other people like you on social media?

I love it! It’s really comforting to see other men and women in my age group crushing it on social media.  It gives me that much more confidence in what I do with my social media pages. I find so much inspiration to continue to do what I am doing from others who look like me on these social media platforms. I love to see my vibrant gray-haired brothers and sisters leading the pack and creating a vibrant narrative of what it is like to be of advanced age. Going forward, I hope that I continue to see exponential growth of those who look like me on social media.

1. What does it mean to thrive, how does social media from the connections you have made, to the way it empowers you tell your story help you do that?

Thriving to me is living free of the expectation of what society thinks you should look and act like. On social media I have found a wonderful community known as the Silver Sisters, amazing women of all ages growing out their gray/silver hair. Because of their strength, determination, and inspiration they gave me the courage to share a bit of my life and my journey with aging and gray hair. It gives me the opportunity to hopefully inspire and encourage others to redefine what beauty means.

2. How has social media allowed you to connect with people outside your generation?

I have found pro-aging and gray hair transcends many generations. Because we are changing society’s narrative on gray hair, this allowed the younger generation to feel more comfortable enough to let them grow out their natural hair. I have made a lot of connections with women in their 20’s, 30’s, and 40’s who now have gray/silver hair or who are transitioning. Positive aging lets the younger generations know that aging is not something to fear but look forward to, and that it is okay to look older because we are older!

3. What have you learned using social media?

I have learned I need to use reading glasses 100% of the time, and that I sure could use a tutor!

Social media allows you to inspire and be inspired. It is more than just squares on a screen, you can make meaningful connections and friendships all over the world. It could open doors and give you opportunities that you never thought existed.

4. What does it mean to you to see other people like you on social media?

I love it! I learn from them every single day. It bands us together. In our community there is no competition, only women supporting women and lifting each other up. Everyone has value and contributes something. There is room for everyone!

1. What does it mean to thrive, how does social media from the connections you have made, to the way it empowers you tell your story help you do that?

At 62, thriving means that I’m not allowing my age to stop me from doing things. I mention my age because sometimes people think that being over 60 means your life is over, and I guess when you’re young you might think that. But, honestly, 60 is when it really starts. It’s when you have more time to do the things you want to do. I’m getting to do things that I didn’t get to do when I was younger, because I was raising my family. Now my kids are grown, and I’m submitting self-tape auditions just about every week! I think thriving also means getting to be whatever you want to be. I don’t think you should limit yourself because of your age. Being on social media has allowed me to connect with other women who feel the same. If there are those who don’t feel that way, hopefully we will inspire them. They’ll see that we’re out here doing what we want to do, and one of those things is letting your hair be silver. You don’t have to dye your hair to be beautiful. That’s a societal norm. Are we really going to keep telling that lie?

2. How has social media allowed you to connect with people outside your generation?

Mostly through fashion. The majority of my content is fashion related and that’s one of the ways I’ve connected with younger followers. Fashion has no age. No matter how old you are, if you have style, you have style. Another way I connect with other generations is I also try to be very positive about life itself and about aging. It’s a beautiful thing to be able to be happy at any age. I call myself the “queen of reinvention” because I’ve had many different jobs and I am not afraid of change. I have changed careers to be happy. I’ve learned that my happiness is more important than money.

3. What have you learned using social media?

There are so many things I had to learn to use Instagram and I’m still learning! I’ve learned I can share about my life, style, and hair, and journey, and there’s value in that. Unfortunately, all this learning is very time consuming and I started wondering if it was bringing me happiness. That’s why I took a break to reassess, and also to focus more on acting and auditioning.  But I can’t leave Instagram completely- I’ve made friends with so many amazing and supportive women within and outside the Silver Sister Community. I call them my IG friends! It’s a wonderful community and I love being a part of it.

4. What does it mean to you to see other people like you on social media?

It’s important because these are real people. It’s important for people to see what people really look like at certain ages. That breaks down that lie that you’re going to look a certain way when you reach 60 or 50. I don’t know what the number is when people consider you old anymore! I’m 62 and I still don’t think I’m old. My husband and I don’t feel old. We’re still active – we ride our bikes and play with our grandkids. We’re not the image of old people that’s out there. My grandson was watching a cartoon on YouTube, and the grandparents in the cartoon were portrayed as feeble and hunched over, and I was offended. We’re teaching kids that this is what grandparents look like, and that’s not necessarily true.

These influencers are combating ageism for themselves and their followers, forging an online landscape that celebrates aging authentically and welcomes all. While social media can be a negative space, reflecting and magnifying all your deepest insecurities, the pro-age pocket of Instagram is projecting positivity, turning societal insecurities on their heads. This on its own is demonstrative of why age diversity is important. We lose a wealth of experience and perspective when older generations are forced out of spaces, due to a lack of support. Influencers like these have fortunately found a way to support themselves, igniting new passions, learning new skills, and building new networks using social media.

But social media is not for everyone and thriving means something different for every individual. What about those who want to continue living the lives they’ve built, taking on new skills at work, finding new companies or new positions to apply their experience in, strengthening ties in their own community, and advancing the passions they’ve always had? For most people, it would take changes in company policies, boosts in protections from the government, investments in programs that encourage lifelong learning and engagement, and better access to healthcare, as outlined by the National Academy of Medicine in their Global Roadmap to Health Longevity. Aging is inevitable: let’s make it venerable and equitable.

Further reading:

Scaling for Impact: Community Health as a Blueprint for a Just Future

An Equitable Vision for Healthy Longevity as the Backbone of a Just Future